**UPDATE: This event is now overbooked. You can be added to the waiting list through the RSVP link.**

I will present and discuss a selection of photographs from my series on the Maoist revolution in Nepal at NYU’s Institute for Public Knowledge on October 1st.

NYU

The photos date from 2004 through 2008, chronicling the end of the monarchy and the rise to power of the Maoists.

The discussion will be moderated by Mira Kamdar, Senior Fellow World Policy Institute and author Planet India: The Turbulent Rise of the Largest Democracy and the Future of Our World.

Photos from this presentation will also be part of the Moving Walls 16 exhibition. The exhibition will open on September 29, 2009 at the Open Society Institute’s New York City office.

A reception with refreshments with follow the presentation.

This event is free and open to the public with photo ID, but space is limited, so RSVP is strongly recommended to secure a seat.

This event is co-sponsored by the World Policy Institute and Asia Society.

Full event details are available here.

Posted by: Tomas | 7 September, 2009

Television interview on Arte Culture

French language interview on Arte Culture about my photography in communist countries and opinions about the effect of the economic crisis on photojournalism.

To access the video, type the word “play” into the password box below.


Journey to North Korea, Part III: The NoKo Chocolate Factory

By Tomas Van Houtryve

TIME

In 2007 and 2008, photojournalist Tomas Van Houtryve visited North Korea by infiltrating a communist solidarity delegation. In the final story in his three-part TIME.com series, Van Houtryve recounts the almost-invention of the North Korea Chocolate Company.

(Originally published on TIME.com on Tuesday, Aug. 22, 2009)


On the final day of my first trip to North Korea, my guides reached out to me. “We are trying very hard to get investors into the DPRK.” They asked me to recruit people at home interested in doing business in North Korea.

I already had an exclusive set of photos from inside hospitals, schools and even Pyongyang’s elite military academy. But the idea of being the first Western photographer to visit a North Korean factory was very tempting. I asked for a list of industries where Korea was looking for foreign investment. One of them, chocolate, sounded particularly strange for a country never far from the brink of starvation. (See rare pictures from inside North Korea.)

After I left Pyongyang, I began searching for a journalist willing to pose as a chocolate consultant. Eventually I found Antoine Dreyfus, a reporter for a French weekly. He would travel to North Korea under the pretext of doing a market study for the confectionary industry. I would return to Pyongyang with him, playing his assistant with a background in product marketing.

We studied chocolate production and assembled props: a fake business website, false business cards, product catalogues and samples. In February I was back in Pyongyang. I passed through passport control without a hitch and that evening Antoine and I were invited to a lavish dinner followed by karaoke. Two heavily made-up girls crooned as the screens displayed lyrics over images of charging tanks and rapidly firing surface-to-air missiles. I already knew the songs.

Our first major test would be a one-on-one meeting with North Korean foodstuff factory directors. I had seen enough fully scripted fictional performances by the Koreans by now, that I was sure we could pull off our own. Antoine would drill the Koreans with a series of questions about numbers — wages for semi-skilled workers, availability of cocoa, milk and sugar. I would present our marketing proposal. Traditional advertising mediums such as billboards, magazine, and television advertisements are forbidden in Korea, so I had an alternative plan to create a nation of chocolate lovers. 

When we filed into the meeting room the next day, two serious Korean gentlemen dressed in black were waiting for us on red velour arm chairs. A Korean-French translator was provided. Our minders sat on the side to listen. When it came time to deliver my presentation, I stood. “I have been told that the most joyful day in your calendar is the birthday of the Great Leader. I propose a chocolate festival in every major North Korean city to correspond with this holiday. Special packaging can celebrate the various feats of your leaders. For the first two years, we will offer our product for free, but later children will beg their parents for it, as they do now in Europe. Imagine a population of 23 million people who have never tasted chocolate, turned into a nation of chocolate lovers that will last for generations…”

I finished my presentation by handing out chocolate samples to the factory directors. They brushed them aside, and politely explained they were not looking to produce chocolate for the local population. North Korea has isolated tourism zones where South Koreans can visit on tightly controlled one-day bus trips. According to the factory director, the South Koreans were always curious about the quality of North Korean goods, and eagerly bought snacks and souvenirs. Currently, the North buys Chinese chocolate, strips off the wrappers and re-packages it with North Korean labels. But Chinese chocolate is pretty bad. They wanted European chocolate know-how to make something that would impress the South. They were not looking to sell millions of chocolates, just enough to stock a few gift shops.

Read part 1 and part 2 of Tomas Van Houtryve’s “Journey to North Korea.”

[Copyright Time Inc. and Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Journey to North Korea, Part II: The Packrat Dictatorship

By Tomas Van Houtryve

TIME

In 2007 and 2008, Tomas Van Houtryve visited North Korea by infiltrating a communist solidarity delegation. In the second story in his three-part TIME.com series, he describes the surveillance he was subjected to and the bizarre majesty of the mausoleum of Kim Il Sung.

(Originally published on TIME.com on Tuesday, Aug. 20, 2009)


After dinner at the end of my second day, I was pulled aside by my guides. The interrogation lasted for four hours. The most grim-looking of our minders, Mr. Chung (I have changed the names of my North Korean minders for their protection), was bad cop. “We Koreans are very open and hospitable people — look how we open our home and our hearts to you,” said Chung. “But if ever we are betrayed, we take revenge on you and on your family.”

Naturally, they were most curious about my pictures. Chung explained that I had been taking pictures from the bus when we passed a “secret military installation” disguised as a normal building. “A soldier saw your camera in the window and called in to report it.” I was made to fetch all of my memory cards and show them every frame. Some were deleted. Unknown to my interrogators, anticipating such an eventuality, I had developed a system to copy and hide the contents of my memory cards. Somehow, I was given the benefit of the doubt, and eventually I was released. (See rare pictures from inside North Korea.)

For the next few days, I managed to remain firmly “in character” as a compliant pilgrim to the last “socialist paradise.” But I began to feel a mounting paranoia from the constant surveillance. I suspected that my hotel room was being watched. The atmosphere certainly didn’t encourage relaxation. Located in Pyongyang’s Sports District, the Sosan Hotel is a three-sided brick skyscraper with 24 floors. The hotel was empty except for our nine-person delegation on the 14th floor. The power was off on all other floors, and there was only running water for two hours a day.

After a few days, we moved to more modern hotel. I searched the room for bugs, not really knowing what I was looking for, and to my horror discovered a nickel-sized black disk with two protruding wires stuck to the back of a mirror overlooking the bed. The North Koreans were listening to me in my sleep.

On a few of our trips around the city, photography was banned altogether, something that almost came as a relief. The most impressive of these un-photographed excursions was to the mausoleum of Kim Il Sung. After his death in 1994, Kim Il Sung was declared President for Eternity. The windows of his mammoth presidential palace were sealed with white marble, and the entire complex turned into a monumental tomb that dwarfed the mausoleums of Lenin and Mao.

We had been told to wear our best formal clothes and arrived in the first great hall of the palace to the sounds of the “Song of General Kim Jong Il,” a composition featuring crashing symbols and military horns. Towering above us was a Lincoln Memorial sized white statue of the Eternal President. Next was a room commemorating how the masses reacted to the loss of the Great Leader. Bronze relief panels showed a sea of mourners, their faces twisted in agony. Over the wail of mourners, a somber voice narrated how “the tears of the people fell to the earth and turned into diamonds.”

Before we could enter the room where Kim Il Sung’s embalmed body lies in state, we had to be purified. One by one we stepped through a narrow chamber. On one side was a head-to-toe bank of vacuum nozzles. On the opposite side a bank of evenly spaced jets shot out air. The inner crypt was bathed only in dim red light. Soldiers with polished silver Kalishnikovs, bayonets fixed, stood at attention around the body, which glowed faintly under a thick glass casket. We were instructed to approach Kim in rows of three, bow once at his feet, and then bow again on the right and left sides of the body. 

The next room held a collection of all of the medals and distinctions that Kim Il Sung was awarded during his rule. Most, like the Order of Lenin, were from the Soviet Union and its former vassal states. But Kim also held on to a coin made to commemorate the 15th anniversary of an agricultural university in Bangkok and a gift plate sent from the communist mayor of a Paris suburb. This wasn’t the only time I was to witness the Kims’ packrat tendencies. Half a day’s drive from Pyongyang is the International Friendship Exhibition, where a vast bronze door leads to an underground cavern stuffed with 60,000 pieces of totalitarian tack. An ivory ashtray from Robert Mugabe, a jewel encrusted saber from Yasser Arafat, a stuffed crocodile twisted into a human pose and holding a drink tray from the Sandanistas.

Back in the mausoleum, our tour finally came to an end when we were shown into a room where ornate guest-books were laid out on huge desks. Only delegations held in the highest esteem were allowed to sign, said our excited guide. That wasn’t to say we could do so unsupervised: our minders shuttled between the desks, reading as we wrote. Suddenly, the electricity cut out. With all the windows blocked up, we were plunged into darkness. For 10 minutes, nobody said a word. And when the lights returned, there was no acknowledgment, no apology and no explanation.

Read part 1 and part 3 of Tomas Van Houtryve’s “Journey to North Korea.”

[Copyright Time Inc. and Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Journey to North Korea, Part 1: The Majesty and the Mustache

By Tomas Van Houtryve

TIME

In 2007 and 2008, photojournalist Tomas Van Houtryve visited North Korea by infiltrating a communist solidarity delegation. In the first of a three-part TIME.com series, he reports on the elaborate ruse that is required to enter the world’s most isolated country.

(Originally published on TIME.com on Tuesday, Aug. 18, 2009)


One of the more pleasant surprises about Pyongyang is that the North Korean capital — surely the most isolated capital city on earth — has a handful of bookshops for foreigners. Less surprisingly, most of the books have been written by either Kim Il Sung, the Great Leader and founder of North Korea, or his son the Dear Leader, Kim Jong Il. Most are stern instruction manuals on how to be a better communist. There are also a number of guides and glossy souvenir books, more than enough for a place than receives less foreign visitors in a year than the Louvre does in an hour.

But it is in the personal testimonies that the propagandists really hit their stride. In the preface of a 220-page paperback titled A Young Man’s Memoirs on His Escape from South Korea, the author writes, “I deserted the south, which is regarded as a burial ground for human beings, and went to the blissful land of the north.” For good measure, he adds, “South Korea is a living hell unfit for human habitation.” (See rare pictures from inside North Korea.)

I’ve visited the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) twice, in 2007 and 2008, and each time I had to do some elaborate fabricating of my own. Like Euna Lee and Laura Ling, I am an American and a journalist, a combination that makes reporting about North Korea perilous. I knew that getting a visa was out of the question if I identified myself truthfully. Even if I did somehow manage to wangle one, tourists in North Korea are strictly policed. They are not allowed to leave their hotels without the permission and presence of government guides. They have their mobile phones, passports and return air tickets confiscated on the day of arrival. All itineraries are dictated in advance.

To get more than a tour of the dictator’s diorama — to develop even a hint of knowledge about real life in North Korea — I had to play the system. At the height of the Cold War, solidarity delegations allowed loyal party members to visit sister countries within the communist bloc. The trusted cadres were given special access to visit model schools, hospitals and farms. A few far-left organizations have kept this tradition alive today by organizing friendship brigades to Cuba and North Korea. By fabricating my identity — I grew a mustache, changed my hair and clothes, adopted a foreign accent and got a second passport from a small, inoffensive European country — one of these groups let me in. I got my visa. 

On the ancient Soviet Koryo Airways Ilyushin, departing from Beijing, I was handed the English-language Pyongyang Times. That day’s front page showed a photo of a smiling Kim Jong Il under the headline “DPRK Shines Under the Leadership of Brilliant Commander.” The “glorious” and “superb” Dear Leader was mentioned in nearly every article inside, giving “on-the-spot guidance” to industrial workers, farms or his generals.

The rest of the flight was uneventful, and within two hours we touched down on a runway surrounded by guard posts and barbed wire. The tarmac was empty. From the roof of the terminal building, a huge portrait of Kim Il Sung smiled down. After passing the entrance formalities, we were loaded onto a bus with four state guides. The photographer in me was ecstatic at what I was seeing. The visual texture of North Korea is different from any country on earth. It is stark and bizarre to the point of being surreal. Pyongyang may have more monuments and wide avenues than Washington or Paris — all built in the past 50 years to the specs of the Kims’ jarring taste — yet cars and pedestrians are nearly absent. It’s like an empty movie set.

By the time our bus arrived at a gargantuan bronze statue of the Great Leader, where we were instructed to bow, I had already begun to slip dangerously out of character. I was shooting different angles, moving my lens like a pro. The minders and other delegation members said nothing. But I should have known that I was compromising my cover.

Read part 2 of Tomas Van Houtryve’s “Journey to North Korea.”

[Copyright Time Inc. and Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Another photo essay from my trips to North Korea posted on the TIME website.

time_inside_north_korea

For a larger selection of images of images from North Korea visit this archive gallery.

Posted by: Tomas | 13 July, 2009

Radio interviews about North Korea on BBC and NPR

Interviews about my photography inside North Korea were recently broadcast on the BBC World Service and on NPR’s All Things Considered. The audio segments can be found at the links below:

BBC_blocks

World Service: Undercover in North Korea

. . . . . . .

npr_125

All Things Considered: Photojournalist Penetrates North Korea

Journalists Euna Lee and Laura Ling have just been sentenced to 12 years of hard labor by North Korea’s Central Court. Please sign this petition urging their release:

http://www.thepetitionsite.com/1/free-euna-and-laura

-TVH

“Behind the Curtain | North Korea

The photographic project Talent Latent is the exhibition strand of the SCAN festival, and one of its pillars. The objective of the exhibition is to serve as a platform for artists at the beginning of their artistic career.

The present edition has been commissioned by Cristina Zelich, and the selected works are by Alejandro Chaskielberg, Laura Cuch, Amaury da Cunha, Lucia Ganieva, Ignacio García Gómez del Valle, Tomas van Houtryve, Sirio Magnabosco, Javier Marquerie Thomas, Rafal Milach, Gemma Pardo, Grégoire Pujade-Lauraine, Ángel de la Rubia, Ahmet Unver and Jorge Yeregui.

The photographs in Tomas van Houtryve’s exhibition were taken in 2007 and 2008, during two trips to North Korea, the country with the most impenetrable totalitarian regime in the world. Posing as an industrialist, the artist was able to visit and discretely photograph scenes previously undocumented by a Western photographer. Despite being monitored at every moment and subjected to interrogation by government minders, his photos offer a rare peek inside this starkly isolated country.

7 May – 5 July, 2009
Tarragona Central Market
Plaça Corsini, s/n
43003 Tarragona
Spain
[map]

and

2 October – 29 November, 2009
Arts Santa Mònica
Rambla de Santa Mònica, 7
08001 Barcelona
Spain
[map]

www.scan.cat
tel. (+34) 977 29 61 00

400_talent_nkr

This photo essay about North Korea on the Foreign Policy website apparently went viral and received more than 400,000 hits in the first days it was posted on the web:

land_of_no_smiles_start

For a larger selection of images of images from North Korea visit this archive gallery.

Posted by: Tomas | 18 February, 2009

Exhibition in Paris: “Nepal | Rituels et Revolution”

“Népal | Rituels et Révolution”

This exhibition traces the story of contemporary Nepal and the struggle between the rigidly traditional monarchy and the repeated attempts of the people to create a lasting revolution.

Opening reception from 5:00 pm to 9:00 pm on Thursday, 26 February 2009
Exhibition runs from 27 February to 5 April 2009

In My Room. Gallery
32 rue Rodier
75009 Paris
France
tel. 01 42 00 23 59

www.inmyroomgalerie.blogspot.com

rituels_vernissage

Posted by: Tomas | 1 September, 2008

Slideshow at FFYE: “North Korea | The Secret Nation”

Online version of the slideshow shown at Food for Your Eyes projection in Paris.

Posted by: Tomas | 3 May, 2008

Reportage dans le pays le plus fermé au monde

Dans ce vidéo Antoine Dreyfus et Tomas van Houtryve

expliquent comment infiltrer le pays le plus fermé au monde.

[related photo reportage]

Posted by: Tomas | 27 December, 2007

Uncovering the CIA’s Legacy in Laos

20071128lao3256.jpg

VIENTIANE PROVINCE, LAOS – We set out at nightfall. Four thin Hmong men dressed in faded khaki uniforms and clutching AK-47’s, those ubiquitous hallmarks of the world’s most troubled regions.

There was no moon when we crawled out of our hiding spot between thickets of bamboo and onto the lightly graveled road through the jungle. After sizing us up, the Hmong whispered to us that our trek to their hidden camp could take up to 24 hours. Wearing flip-flop sandals and carrying only their rifles and small bags of rice, they claimed they could make the journey alone in only 12 hours.

We moved along the road without any lights. Two of the Hmong advanced far ahead, and their silhouettes merged into the inky darkness. One man fell into position behind us, and the fourth one walked close to myself and my colleague, Bangkok based journalist Thomas Fuller. I reached into my pocket to take a GPS reading and mark the start of our journey.

As the night advanced, my mind drifted widely between states of heightened alertness and a drowsy acceptance of our interminable footfalls. Moments of anxious uncertainty roused me: the appearance of a mysterious torch flickering across the patty fields, the sudden sound of an approaching vehicle. Midway through the night, the moon rose and revealed we were walking through a section of forest stripped by recent logging activity. A massive and oddly shaped tree, denuded of leaves, was all that remained of the jungle near the trail. Three times during the night, we removed our shoes and waded across rivers. The cool water and textured rocks underfoot helped shake off the accumulation of fatigue.

hanging_in.jpgToward the early hours of the morning, one of our guides, Fathi Ja, began to fall further and further behind. He pointed to his thighs and indicated that they were in tremendous pain. Since we had first encountered them, Fathi seemed the most sullen and fragile of the group. Eventually one of the other Hmong men explained that Fathi’s wife and child had been shot dead by Laotian army soldiers two months earlier. The decision was made that we would find a place to sleep for a few hours. We trekked far deeper into the jungle and then cut off the trail into a dense deadfall of bamboo. We strung up hammocks and dozed until daybreak.

===

My mind retraced the steps that had brought me here. I first read about the plight of the Hmongs in a French magazine in 2003. Renowned for their guerrilla warfare skills, the Hmong were hired first by the French colonials in Indochina, and later by the US government to battle communists on the margins of the Vietnam War. During the 1960’s and 70’s the CIA ran a massive covert operation in Laos, known as the Secret War. Over 18,000 Hmong men were trained as Special Guerrilla Units and charged with rescuing shot-down American pilots. Later they were commanded to attack the North Vietnamese along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. The main component of the war in Laos was arial bombardment, and the US spared no expense. By the time the US military was defeated in 1975, they had flown an estimated 600,000 sorties, and the tonnage of bombs dropped on Laos exceeded the entire quantity of bombs dropped over Europe by all sides during the Second World War.

When the time came to evacuate the Hmong after the communist takeover however, the CIA would only offer a single C-130 airplane to pick up the stranded American allies. A few of the highest ranking Hmong and their families made it out in the airlift. Some 300,000 Hmong eventually fled overland to Thailand. Thousands of Hmong were eventually resettled as refugees in the United States. Among those left behind in Laos or repatriated by Thailand, the Lao People’s Army began hunting and killing any that had collaborated with the CIA. The practice continues to this day.

Among most Americans, there seems little awareness that thousands of Hmong remain on the run in the jungles of Laos.

For various reasons, the American media often chooses not to run foreign news stories, even when they make headlines in other major publications around the world. On many occasions, I have noticed Newsweek and TIME cut stories from their domestic editions that are given top billing in their international editions. Such was the case with the story of the Hmong, which ran prominently in TIME’s Asia edition in 2003, followed by multiple appearances in French and British weeklies, yet barely reached the US readership.

On June 4th, 2007, Vang Pao, the commanding general hired by the CIA to oversee the Hmong secret army during the 1960’s and 70’s, was arrested in California. The sting operation involved a federal agent posing as an arms dealer and offering to sell weapons to Vang Pao.

The bizarre story of Vang Pao’s indictment made local headlines in California and then across the US, raising the possibility that their was finally enough interest within the American media to investigate the background story in the jungles of Laos. Two weeks later, I flew to New York City and tracked down Hmong activists who could help me get into the jungle.

What followed were months of waiting, and then a series of secret late night meetings with other Hmong contacts in Thailand. I also reached out to the large community of Bangkok based journalists, hoping to find a writer willing to accompany me into Laos, and to ask advice of those who had already been there. On my first night in town, photographer Roger Arnold invited me to Bangkok’s Foreign Correspondents Club. The FCC is perhaps the cleanest bar that I’ve ever seen journalists visit with regularity. The patrons are an unsettling mixture of serious working journalists, and retired Vietnam War era reporters that gesture wildly, stare with haunting eyes, and frequently launch into tirades of nonsense and profanities.

Roger recounted his harrowing trek to the Hmongs with vivid descriptions of wandering lost in the jungle for hours, suffering from foot rot and being served monkey stew. He has also done a commendable job following up on the people he photographed, months later when they appeared in Thai refugee camps.

Over bottles of Beer Lao, Canadian journalist Nelson Rand told me that once he had reached the Hmong in the jungle, they refused to guide him out. They unsuccessfully tried to use his presence as a bargaining chip, hoping in vain that the US or the UN would send an aircraft to rescue everyone. After three weeks, they lost hope and he left.

Belgian photographer Thierry Falise explained how he had been captured by the Lao People’s Army on his way out of the jungle and sentenced to 15 years in prison. During the two hour long Stalinist-style trial, the prosecutor claimed the cables from his video camera were meant to trigger explosives. He and his colleague were eventually released after massive international pressure was placed on the Lao government.

Most of the writers that I queried about joining me on the trek were either too busy with other projects or discouraged by the above mentioned tales. As the date of my planned departure neared, I grew concerned that I would have to do the trip alone, increasing the risks and decreasing the chance that the story would get published in the United States. Finally I had a breakthrough. I contacted Thomas Fuller, the International Herald Tribune and New York Times correspondent, and after a few phone calls, he agreed to do the story without even meeting me in person. It sounded too good to be true, but I went ahead and bought my plane tickets and assembled the necessary supplies including a satellite phone, hammocks, dry food, detailed topographical maps and the GPS.

I arrived in Vientiane ahead of Thomas to make the final arrangements, and then I had a few days to kill in the capital. A friend of mine had told me that Laos was so laid back, that the people even “take a nap after breakfast.” It didn’t seem far from the truth. Stretched along the shore of the Mekong river were simple wooden platforms dotted with cushions and parasols. Laotians and tourists languidly sipped beer and fruit juice as the sun slowly set toward the Thai border.

Most of the signs on official buildings were in French. Other traces of the colonial period remained: fresh baguettes all around, a few Citroën 2CV’s and the possibility of choosing between the multiple French restaurants by their provincial and regional specialties. When Paul Theroux passed through Vientiane in 1975, he described it as a country with “baffling pretensions to Frenchness.”

The river front area was swarming with tourists, though mostly not French. As I stopped to photograph the communist flag draped over the front of the Banque pour le Commerce Extérieur, I was approached by a German tourist. Over dinner she explained to me that “tubing” down the Nam Song river was Laos’s greatest attraction. According to the Lonely Planet Guide, floating downstream in an inflated tractor inter tube “has become such a popular rite of passage on the Southeast Asia backpacker circuit that several ‘bars’ have been set up on islands and beaches along the route.” I didn’t dare explain to her the true purpose of my visit to Laos.

20071202lao3375.jpgI spent the next day visiting the Lao National Museum. Inside is a collection of rusting weapons and tatty black and white photos from the revolution. Among them are a few photos of Vang Pao, labeled as the “key henchman of the US imperialists.” On the other side of town, I later visited the Kaysone Memorial and Museum. Behind a thirty foot tall metal statue (standing with one arm extended in the classical dictator pose) of Kaysone Phomvihane, is an eight million dollar, gold plated structure, built to honor the late leader. Displayed inside are a number of Soviet metals and a bronze bust of Kaysone made by a North Korean sculptor.

===

At dawn, we packed up our hammocks and continued our journey. Later in the morning, we left the trail for good and started picking our way down a steep ravine. Eventually we were pulling ourselves along with vines and crawling on all fours as often as walking. Before noon we stopped and the Hmongs began to prepare a meal. They chopped down two massive bamboo stalks, cut slits into the sides, filled each with rice and water, resealed the stalks and then set them over a fire to cook.

Though rice is considered the staple throughout Asia, it is a rare luxury to these jungle dwelling Hmongs, who have to move their camp so often to avoid army patrols that they can not grow any crops. This rice was bought secretly on the edge of the jungle from a local villager. “She overcharged me because she knew I live in hiding,” commented Xang Yang.

20071127lao2433.jpgBy mid afternoon, we arrived at the temporary Hmong camp. Upon seeing us, some of the adults broke down in tears. Many claimed not have seen a white person since the CIA pulled out of Laos more than three decades earlier. Soon, many of the children also began to cry, possibly overwhelmed at the sight of their parents in such an emotional state.

Having travelled to several war zones and natural disasters, I could not remember ever seeing such a ragged and desperate group of people. It took a while before people were calm enough to explain their situation to us and submit to Thomas Fuller’s interviews. Five men came forward saying that they were CIA trained veterans of the Secret War. They pulled forward family members to show their bullet and shrapnel scars from Laotian army attacks. As Thomas wrote down their stories, I wandered among the ramshackle bamboo huts of the makeshift village, trying to capture bits of their daily existence. The main food that the Hmongs were surviving off were roots unearthed in the forest. They looked like armored yams, and required more than 12 hours of soaking, grating and boiling before they are edible. Even then, the taste is terrible.

After many hours of photography, video recording and interviews it became clear that Thomas and I would have to take a break to eat. Skipping meals after an all night trudge through the jungle would diminish our strength and our capacity to keep focused on the reporting. Yet here we were, surrounded by 80 odd desperate people living on the margins of starvation. We had not brought nearly enough in our packs to share with such a large group. Eating in front of others without sharing is already considered extremely rude in Southeast Asia, and here the contrast between those with full bellies and those with the gnawing pain of hunger was thrown into sharp relief. We decided that we would leave behind all our extra food when we were ready to leave the camp, but until then, it seemed unwise to dole out piecemeal treats and risk a food riot. So under the terrible gaze of hungry children, we ate our dinner. I will not soon forget their aching stares.

When we took leave of the camp the next afternoon, in addition to the food, we left behind our extra clothing. It wasn’t much, just a gesture. I couldn’t help but think of the extreme difference in lifestyle between the Hmong that had been lucky enough to make it to America and those left isolated in the jungle. It was only a few days after Thanksgiving. Nightly news programs across America were surely talking about the yearly Christmas shopping frenzy. Many people in the US would undoubtedly be preoccupied with how to avoid gaining weight during the holidays. Here is Laos, such concerns seemed almost otherworldly.

Meanwhile at the CIA, their latest scandal was about to boil over. This time it was about destroying interrogation tapes. Among the unlikely characters that I crossed during my travels this year was Dame Stella Rimington, the former head of MI5, Britain’s intelligence and security service. Over mojitos on the veranda of Cuba’s Hotel Nacional, I prodded her for an opinion of the CIA after years of working in the intelligence trade. She responded dryly, “They haven’t exactly covered themselves in glory.”

Indeed, a careful student of history would be hard pressed to evaluate whether the American spy agency had actually caused more dishonor and instability to the nation than safety and security. From the Bay of Pigs, to the Shah of Iran, to the assassination of Patrick Lumuba, to the Iran Contra scandal, to the funding of the Afghan Mujahideen, and to the Iraqi weapons of mass destruction assessments, the CIA appears to be remarkably unlucky at placing its bets and consistently stingy at paying the ensuing debts.

Luckily, the the multi-branch system of government in the US offers more options for redress than are available in a totalitarian one-party state like Laos. Americans that are concerned about the abandonment of the Hmong in the jungles of Laos can contact their congressional representatives. Senators Brownback, Leahy, Coleman, Feingold, and Kohl have already expressed interest in this issue.

Non-Americans wishing to keep up pressure on this issue can contact the Carter Center and the International Crisis Group.

One thought for the future:

A pullout from Iraq looms closer on the horizon. What can be done to ensure it is not executed with same callousness and indignity that marked the CIA’s exit from Laos?

[photo reportage of the Hmong Secret War Veterans]

[Copyright Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

*UPDATE, May 2008: The New York Times Magazine has published an extensive article about Hmong leader General Vang Pao. One of my photos from the trek into the jungles of Laos is included in the spread.

Posted by: Tomas | 2 May, 2006

The Fall of a God King

A photograph of King Gyanendra lands in a ditch with other items tossed there by anti-monarchy demonstrators in Kathmandu.

KATHMANDU, NEPAL – My first experience with King Gyanendra Shah was in February 2004. He was scheduled for an official visit to the city in Nepalgunj, which is quite possibly the least charming place on earth. Nepal is a stunningly beautiful country — green hills terraced with rice patties, and a backdrop of the jagged Himalayas. But Nepalgunj is the exception. The main roads are lined with open sewers that simmer in the choking heat. Statues of previous Shah dynasty kings mark the intersections. Each one is guarded by soldiers and ringed with sand bag and razor wire fortifications. Donkey carts and rickshaws pull passengers to the nearby Indian border. No tourists visit the place. Foreigners I met were there working for NGOs trying to stem the flow of young Nepalese girls to brothels in India.

In preparation for the royal visit, three-hundred bamboo arches were constructed. Spanning the roads at intervals of every 100 feet, the two-story arches were covered in bright cloth and painted with the slogan “Long Live Their Majesties the King and Queen.”

There was a darker side of the preparations for a royal visit. Just before midnight, Royal Nepal Army soldiers pounded on the door and demanded to search my hotel room. I had to stand off to side in my underwear while two guys with M-16s poked through my belongings.

Gyanendra arrived two hours late by helicopter the next morning. A Jaguar limousine shipped from the capital in a sealed truck was there to shuttle him a hundred yards from the chopper to the stadium entrance. Inside, about 20,000 people had been herded into rodeo-style pens. There was only one chair, the throne, and everyone else sat in the dirt.

Despite the heavy symbolism suggesting this king was above all others, the constitution of Nepal drafted in 1990 had relegated the monarchy outside politics with only limited ceremonial powers. Gyanendra himself was crowned in 2001, after his elder brother King Birendra was gunned down by his own son inside the palace along with nine other members of the royal family. Once king, Gyanendra began steadily dismantling the constitutional restrictions placed on his power. When he rose to speak at the stadium in Nepalgunj, he hinted at bolder moves ahead:

“The days of Monarchy being seen but not heard, watching the people’s difficulties but not addressing them and being a silent spectator to their tear-stained faces are over.”

One year later, in February 2005, the King made good on his promise. He declared a state of emergency, arrested the Prime Minister, sent soldiers into newsrooms, and cut telephone service across the country. Working in Nepal as a journalist, suddenly got much more difficult.

I spent the first weeks after his seizure of power trekking through the mountains with Maoist insurgents. The rebels had been trying to topple the monarchy for ten years and form a communist republic. Though they made progress spreading their ideology and control through rural areas, the heavily fortified cities remained beyond their grasp.

Inside Kathmandu, pro-democracy activists also attempted resistance against palace rule, but for months the protests didn’t gain any traction. Countless times, I watched as small demonstrations were quickly broken up by baton-wielding riot police and the protesters were dragged off by officers. High level political leaders were placed in prison or under house arrest.

Fast forward to this Spring, and simmering popular outrage finally boiled over against the palace. The Maoists negotiated an alliance with the mainstream political parties, offering to jointly pressure the King. Student groups, lawyers and other civil society members chimed in their dissent. When the opposition planned anti-monarchy rallies that looked like they would be a success, the government responded by imposing daytime curfews. Armored vehicles were deployed around the palace and soldiers with machine guns lined the major avenues.

On April 20th, a “shoot-on-sight” curfew was imposed from 2:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m. with no exceptions. On previous occasions, police had issued selective passes to ambulances, journalists and diplomats. There were two other photographers staying at my hotel in Kathmandu, and we brainstormed together to figure out a way to get onto the streets. Some other foreign correspondents had decided to move to the Hyatt hotel, on the outskirts of the city, outside the curfew area. We decided that it was located too far away from the likely protest flash-points on our side of the city. Despite the conflict, Nepal has a steady stream of the backpacker tourists passing through, and there are usually a few wandering around obliviously on curfew days. We decided to shed the majority of our camera gear, put on touristy cloths and try to play dumb if we ran into soldiers. Early in the morning, pretending we were just following the Lonely Planet guide’s suggestions to visit a temple, we were able to map out a section of back streets unguarded by security forces. Later in the morning, when rumors started pouring in of police clashing with protesters, we donned our flak jackets and cameras, hopped on motorbikes and were able to sneak through the back alleys without getting caught.

When we arrived in the neighborhood of Kalanki, a full street battle was taking place. A riot policeman initially screamed threats at me to stop taking pictures, but soon they were too overwhelmed by rock throwing protesters to worry about us. The air stung with with tear gas as I followed charging police toward the crowd. One of the officers was firing an assault rifle just over the heads of demonstrators. My main challenge was trying to get between the the two sides to take photos while finding enough cover to keep clear from the volleys of rocks and bullets. I raced into a field with retreating protesters and one pulled me into a room where injured people were splayed across the floor. When I headed back out, I could hear a pistol firing. A man who was standing on a rooftop throwing rocks was shot in the head by an officer. Screaming protesters with their hands covered in his blood carried his body to microbus and the police momentarily opened their line to let it through.

In an instant, the mood totally changed. The protesters stopped throwing stones and hung far back from the police line. Slowly two or three demonstrators moved closer crying and pleading with the police.

One opened his shirt and offered his chest to the police as a target. “You shot my friend, now shoot me… we are doing this for you too. Democracy is for everyone, not just the King.”

A look of shame crept over the faces of the police as more protesters moved forward and peacefully pleaded with them. They began to sit on the ground at the feet of the police. The message was clear: You know you were wrong, we don’t need to fight you to prove it.

For several minutes the curiously calm mood prevailed, and then a cluster of enraged protesters started pelting the gathering with rocks from rooftops above. Tear gas was fired, tires set on fire, and the street battle raged on well into the evening with renewed frenzy. By the end of the day two more protesters were dead.

The following day, the government imposed another curfew, but this time people defied the orders in the hundreds of thousands. The biggest march seen in more than a decade gathered along the Ring Road that circles the municipality of Kathmandu. Most of the crowd was peaceful, but late in the afternoon protesters started tearing down a police post near the site of the previous day’s shooting.

In the following days, several neighborhoods along the Ring Road were taken over by protesters. Dozens of trees were felled across the road, and burning road blocks were set up to stop security forces. Police managed to beat back crowds heading toward the palace and the city center, but along the city’s periphery crowds formed in defiance of the continued curfew orders, setting fire to effigies, and stringing up dead rats marked “Gyanendra” while chanting “burn the crown.”

More chillingly, a trend started where protesters would turn on one individual in the crowd. It was sufficient for one person to yell “spy” or “thief” and a mob would form and try to beat the person to death with their bare hands before asking any questions. On several occasions, myself and other photographers stepped in to hold back the attackers before the individual could be killed. In general, Nepalis are unusually tolerant people, but the mood was turning increasing nasty, and it was clear that if the King clung to power much longer major bloodshed would ensue.

The opposition parties called for a major protest on April 25th. By bringing people in from the countryside, they claimed they could form a crowd of two million and march on the palace. At 11:30 p.m. on the 24th, the King came on television and tersely issued a short proclamation. He released his grip on executive power and reinstated the parliament. Gyanendra’s direct rule of Nepal was finished.

[reportage of the anti-monarchy revolt]

[excerpts of this blog on PDNonline]

[Copyright Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Posted by: Tomas | 2 February, 2006

A year of absolute power

KATHMANDU, NEPAL – When I first visited Nepal as a student in 1997, I was struck by the abundant contrasts. Today, those contrasts have metamorphosed into outright contradictions.

One year ago, King Gyanendra dismissed the Prime Minister, citing his inability to control a growing Maoist rebellion, and installed himself as absolute ruler. During the king’s past 12 months of leadership, he has unleashed a barrage of fiats, all justified in the name of “combating terrorism.” The mobile phone network has twice been shut down by the palace. Public gatherings were banned. The internet was turned off nation-wide for two weeks. The latest government order in today’s newspaper forbids motorcyclists from carrying passengers.

When Nepal’s mainstream political parties tried to organize a rally in the capital two weeks ago, the government issued an all day curfew and authorized soldiers to shoot anyone caught outside.

Nepal’s previous crop of rulers from the mainstream parties were not particularly inspiring or stable characters, even when judged by the shabby standards of third world politics. Besides being notoriously corrupt and prone to petty factional rivalries, they had failed to strike any deal with the Maoists during the two previous rounds of peace talks.

During the period of parliamentary democracy, King Gyanendra never hid his distain for the scandal tainted political class, and when he took power, it was with an air of confidence that he would be able to run the country much better. Besides the obvious benefits of direct rule, the king also had the advantage of being Commander-in-Chief of the army as well as being considered a “living god” by much of the deeply religious Hindu population.

But after only a year with the combined powers of politics, armed force and religion all at his command, the country is on the brink of systematic failure. The palace’s policies have ostracized Nepal from its long-term diplomatic allies (India, America and Britain), while the heavy handed treatment of mainstream political parties has actually driven them into a loose alliance with the Maoist rebels that they once detested. The economy that showed moderate growth under the corruption-marred democracy, is now in the red, and foreign donors are cutting back aid to the royal government by over 60 percent.

King Gyanendra’s strategy to win back support is to hold municipal elections on February 8th, but nothing seems to be going to plan. All the mainstream parties are boycotting the election, while the Maoists have started assassinating candidates. The government is now offering hefty life insurance policies for anyone willing to stand for office, and the army has been mobilized to the defend the polling stations — many of which are placed in schools. Civil servants have been issued orders to vote or face disciplinary action.

The parties are attempting to organize an increasing number of street protests against the elections. Last week I visited a campus where students had placed banners on two stray dogs that read “Namaste. I am a candidate for local elections. Vote for me.” When they left the campus grounds, riot police charged them with bamboo canes. They beat one of the dogs even more heavily than the protesters.

[Copyright Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Posted by: Tomas | 22 January, 2006

Ritual and Protest

KATHMANDU, NEPAL – The narrow alleyways of Nepal’s capital are a maze of shaded lanes dotted with small shrines dedicated to Hindu deities. Morning sees residents line up, ring the temple bells and leave a small offering for the scared idols. The routine is as predictable as the rising of the sun.

Afternoons in Kathmandu are marked with an altogether different ritual these days. Street protests against the monarchy erupt with unfailing frequency in public squares and around campuses, but the program is always cut short when the blue camouflaged policemen arrive swinging their bamboo canes. If there is a big enough mass of protesters, they will try to hold back the advancing police by lobbing bricks and stones. Inevitably a few people are caught and bundled into the waiting police vans, while the rest dash away down the dusty streets to escape.

[Copyright Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Posted by: Tomas | 16 December, 2005

Nagarkot massacre


BHAKTAPUR, NEPAL – I saw the 12 victims’ bodies illuminated by a dim torch and shards of light form the full moon. Their faces looked twisted and ghostly. They had been lined up outdoors on blood soaked mud.

The rioters had arranged themselves at the end of an alley leading to the hospital, and started fires with anything they could find — tires, wood and cardboard boxes. They lobbed bricks at the police, who occasionally charged down the alley with their bamboo canes, and shields. When the volley of bricks being thrown at them would get too heavy, they would fire tear gas canisters. People were shouting “Sons of Paras!” at the police, referring to the notorious Crown Prince who is rumored to have killed several people in drunk driving incidents.

The massacre of the 12 people had happened the night before in hilltop village of Nagarkot. The quiet hamlet is known as a popular destination for tourists to watch the sunset on the Himalayas. There were no political motives behind the shooting. Apparently an off duty Royal Nepal Army soldier had gotten drunk and settled a petty dispute over a girl by unloading his assault riffle into a crowd celebrating a festival inside a temple.

What I was watching in Bhaktapur was the locals’ reaction to the shootings. Mourners and angry students surrounded the hospital for most of the day, before the situation turned violent. The streets were clouded with tear gas and dotted with burning barricades for the rest of the night.

Here is a link to the Daily Telegraph story about the event.

[Copyright Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Posted by: Tomas | 4 November, 2005

Sadhus in the emegency room

NEW DELHI, INDIA – I was supposed to fly to Nepal Thursday. Information from somewhat dodgy sources hinted that the next phase of the revolt would materialize in Kathmandu in the coming week. I had hoped to arrive early and take the pulse of the situation.

My plan derailed Wednesday night when I found myself in the emergency room in New Delhi with an I.V. tube dangling out of my arm. The Apollo hospital has massive signboards on every side of the building advertising “India’s First International Certified Hospital.” India has been the world’s largest democracy for over four decades, and a few years back they revealed that could develop nuclear weapons. I found it a bit unsettling that the sign boards indicated that holding health facilities up to international standards is actually a new priority.

Arriving at the hospital at night guided by a fellow correspondent based in Delhi, it initially proved difficult to find the emergency room. We were turned back at the main entrance and eventually found our way into the atrium. The floor was lined with people sleeping on grubby blankets and tattered straw mats. Inside the atrium there was also an ATM machine, a travel agent, and a large doorway framed in marble with backlit polished metal displaying the words “Platinum Lounge.” This was the equivalent of a first class waiting lounge in the airport, reserved for people with the means to avoid sleeping on the atrium floor. Unfortunately, it was already closed for the night.

We eventually found the emergency room, where we were ignored until my colleague exaggerated my temperature to catch their attention. I was then placed on a gurney, wheeled five feet further, then told to move from one gurney to another. This one was kicked and banged around by the attendant for a while until he managed to lock the wheels.

Eventually the doctor came around, asked me to describe my symptoms (vomiting, 104F fever, headache) and ordered a series of blood tests, an injection in my back side, and an I.V. into my arm. He said we would wait 40 minutes for the the test results, then he would decide whether I could leave the hospital or not.

We waited about one hour and 20 minutes without any news.

A Sadhu, which in Hinduism is considered a holy man that dresses somewhat like a clown, was pacing back and forth past the foot of my bed. He had on an orange robe and marigolds in his hair. I had photographed a Sadhu festival in Nepal once. The holy men had spent the day at the temple smoking hashish, smearing themselves with ashes, charming cobras and lifting heavy rocks strung to their genitals. With those events still haunting my mind, I figured his reasons for being in the emergency room were probably more urgent than mine.

Eventually my colleague got sick of waiting and asked the doctor about the results. The doctor then interrogated the nurse, who revealed that she had never sent my blood off to the lab. Oops. They sent me home and told me to come back for an appointment with Dr. Rao in the morning. “He’s the best. He treats all the white people.” my colleague informed me.

[Copyright Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

Posted by: Tomas | 20 May, 2004

Political predictions are left to astrologers


POKHARA, NEPAL – The front page of Nepal’s second largest English daily newspaper printed the headline: “Astrologers Predict Government by May 28.”

There has been no real government here since the Prime Minister resigned under pressure of violent street protests nearly two weeks ago. Protesters have continued creating unrest in the streets despite the resignation. Today is the 45th day of demonstrations. Students burn tires and hurl bricks at police, while political party members mass in the roads waving flags.

The newspaper’s editors quote astrologers who have somehow managed to assign the each of the country’s political players with zodiac signs. The Maoist guerrillas are “Leo,” and the five pro-democracy political parties are “Virgo.” The King is an Aquarius by birth.

The fact that astrological signs are depended on for political analysis by the mainstream news is telling of perspective on life in this country. Fatalism is deep rooted in Nepali culture. The two major life decisions that are available to most people in the Western world — the choice of a mate and the choice of a career — are predetermined for most Nepalis. Arranged marriages are still the norm, and the caste system still dictates an inherited career for those living in the rural areas where traditions hold firm.

A widespread belief in Nepal is that when a baby is born a god writes the hour of the child’s death on its forehead. The underlying philosophy in the country is anything of importance is already decided by others — by gods, the stars, and fate.

The Maoists of course, as indoctrinated communists, don’t share the same beliefs and superstitions. That may help explain why they have grown and spread across the country so fast despite inferior firepower. While many are trusting that Nepal’s troubles will be decided up in the heavens, the Maoists have put their energy in to dominating the firm ground.

[Copyright Tomas van Houtryve. Do not copy, archive or re-post without written permission. All rights reserved.]

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